Memory
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Recognition memory for Spanish-Catalan cognate and noncognate words was tested at retention intervals of 30 minutes, 3 days, and 7 days using a remember/know response procedure. We observed a clear mirror effect for the cognate-noncognate stimulus class and a remember-know response categorisation at the immediate retention interval. ⋯ The analysis supported the idea that there was a loss of contextual information that was at the root of the disappearance of the remember-know mirror effect. These results provide support to the idea that it is the imbalance between recollection and familiarity that is the most likely cause of the mirror effect.
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Recent theoretical models highlighting the role of imagery in trauma and aversion learning focus on the role of images in memory (e.g., Brewin, Dalgleish, & Joseph, 1996) and images as substitute stimuli in aversive conditioning (Dadds, Bovbjerg, Redd, & Cutmore, 1997). An unanswered question is whether individual differences in imagery are associated with different rates of traumatisation and aversion states (fear and avoidance of various stimuli). We examine one aspect of this: does high imagery ability correlate with the frequency with which people report aversions? Three samples of university students were tested on the Betts Questionnaire Upon Mental Imagery, the Tellegen Absorption Scale, and a new measure we designed to sample of range of aversions. ⋯ This relationship held after controlling for general neuroticism and proneness to disgust. Results for absorption showed no relationship. The results are unable to disentangle causal paths but suggest a focus on individual differences in imagery vividness may be fruitful for understanding individual differences in aversion learning.
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Patients, when admitted to an intensive care unit (ICU), have one thing in common: their illness is life-threatening. Patients may remain on ICU in a critical condition, needing support with their breathing, circulation, and/or kidneys for varying lengths of time, from days to weeks. During that time the patients will receive sedative and analgesic drugs to ensure compliance with artificial ventilation. ⋯ Patients describe these memories as being very vivid and this is explored in terms of flashbulb memory formation. The absence of memories for real events on ICU can result in ICU patients remembering paranoid delusions of staff trying to kill them, with little information to reject these vivid memories as unreal. This has implications for patients' future psychological health.
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Research suggests that 9-month-old infants are able to recall single object-specific actions over delays of 24 hours. In the present research we investigated whether 9-month-olds are able to recall over more extended delays, and to recall the temporal order of events, as well as the individual actions in them. In addition, we investigated whether recall can be enhanced by pre- and/or re-exposure to target events. ⋯ However, after this long delay, only 45% of the infants recalled the temporal order of the events. Re-exposure to events during the delay interval proved necessary for boys, but not for girls; pre-exposure to events did not affect later recall. The implications of individual differences in infants' recall ability for the understanding of the development of the neural correlates of declarative memory are discussed.
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Responses to survey questions are assumed to be based on what respondents can actually draw from memory. For example, if respondents report engaging in some behavior a certain number of times, we assume that a substantive answer reflects what they really know. Conversely, when respondents say that they "don't know" (DK) the answer, it is believed that their response reflects a lack of memory relevant to the question. ⋯ The framework holds that respondent reports are based on three factors: what the respondent actually knows (the person's "cognitive state"); whether the respondent believes that the potential answer meets the requirements of the question (an "adequacy judgement"); and whether the respondent chooses to provide this answer (the person's "communicative intent"). Subsequently, the article examines how relevant findings in the literature support the framework, and then evaluates the assumptions made about cognitive states in light of the results of two experiments. The literature and research presented demonstrate that survey responding can be accounted for by a framework that assumes responding is based on certain key cognitive processes.