Journal of urban health : bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine
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We describe the self-reported socioeconomic and health impacts, as well as the coping mechanisms employed by a drug-using cohort of adults during the Flint water crisis (FWC) in Flint, Michigan. Participants from an ongoing longitudinal Emergency Department study were contacted between April 2016 and July 2016 and completed a survey focusing on exposure, consequences, and coping strategies. One hundred thirty-three participants (mean age = 26, 65% African-American, 61% public assistance) completed the survey (37.9% response rate). ⋯ Participants indicated the use of both positive (e.g., advice from trusted neighbors, 99.0%) and negative coping mechanisms (e.g., increased substance use, 20.0%) in response to this public health emergency. High-risk Flint residents reported multiple social, economic, and health-related consequences stemming from the FWC. Policymakers should consider additional resources for those affected, including increased access to mental health to aid recovery within the community.
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Intimate connections among race, place, and poverty are increasingly featured in the health disparities literature. However, few models exist that can guide our understanding of these interconnections. We build on the Chicago School of Sociology's contributions in urban research and one of its contemporary elaborations, often described as the "neighborhood effects approach," to propose a three-axis model of health inequity. ⋯ Compositional axes of race and poverty form the foundation of the model. These compositional axes then intersect with a third axis of place to compose the built and social environment planes. We develop this model to provide conceptual guidance for clinical, policy, and public health researchers who aim to examine how these three features, taken together, have important implications for urban health.
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Please note that the legend to Fig. 1 has been modified since this article was originally published, and also that in Tables 2, 3 and 4, R[2] was corrected to (the now correct) R squared.
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In the USA, undocumented Latino immigrants may have poorer health because of barriers to health care, stressors, and detrimental effects of immigration enforcement. Previous immigrant health research, however, suggests that recently arrived Latino immigrants have better health than US-born Latinos and their health deteriorates over time. Given the current environments that undocumented immigrants face, legal status is a structural factor that likely influences the patterns of immigrant health. ⋯ Undocumented immigrants, regardless of duration, had higher blood pressure than documented immigrants who had been in the USA for less time and the same level of blood pressure as the US born. In contrast, shorter duration documented immigrants had lower blood pressure compared to longer duration documented immigrants and US-born counterparts, and marginally lower blood pressure than shorter duration undocumented immigrants. The findings suggest that the "health advantage" generally presumed to exist among immigrants may not affect undocumented immigrants.