Int J Health Serv
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Mineral mining is among the world's most hazardous occupations. It is especially dangerous in southern Africa, where mining activity is a leading cause of HIV and tuberculosis epidemics. Inside mines, silica dust exposure causes long-term pulmonary damage. ⋯ Miners in high-income countries, working for the same transnational companies, do not experience elevated rates of death and disability. Cost-effective interventions can reduce HIV incidence through social housing, curb trafficking of high-risk groups, stop tuberculosis spread through screening and detection, and reduce drug resistance by standardizing cross-border care. Urgent action is needed to respond to mining's staggering, yet avoidable disease toll in sub-Saharan Africa.
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The southern provinces of Mozambique have some of the world's highest recorded levels of HIV and tuberculosis (TB). They are also characterized by high levels of cross-border migration, particularly to mines in South Africa. Through the Declaration on Tuberculosis in the Mining Sector in August 2012, heads of state of the Southern African Development Community showed an increased commitment to addressing TB and HIV among migrant mine workers, but there is much left to do. ⋯ We report new research from 2011-2012 on health-related attitudes and behaviors of Mozambican mine workers and their families and present an estimate of the financial burden of disease related to migrant mine work for Mozambique's public services and migrant-sending communities. We recommend that the Declaration be operationalized and enforced. Practical measures should include training of health workers in migrants' right to health; user-friendly health information in Portuguese and local languages; building the advocacy capacity of mine workers' representatives; and more attention to social, cultural, and economic factors that affect migrant mine workers' health, including better access to health information and services and livelihoods for wives, widows, and orphans in communities of origin.
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There is a growing interest in health policy in the social determinants of health. This has increased the demand for a paradigm shift within the discipline of health economics from health care economics to health economics. While the former involves what is essentially a medical model that emphasizes the maximization of individual health outcomes and considers the social organization of the health system as merely instrumental, the latter emphasizes that health and its distribution result from political, social, economic, and cultural structures. ⋯ Especially is this the case in Africa and other low- and middle-income regions. This article seeks to provide empirical evidence from sub-Saharan Africa, including Ghana and Nigeria, on why such inequalities exist, arguing that these are in large part a product of hangovers from historically entrenched institutions. It argues that there is a need for research in health economics to embrace the social determinants of health, especially inequality, and to move away from its current mono-cultural focus.
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Health sector reform was implemented in many Latin American countries in the 1980s and 1990s, leading to reduced public expenditure on health, limitations on public provision for disease control, and a minimum package of services, with concomitant growth of the private sector. At first sight, Ecuador appeared to follow a different pattern: no formal reform was implemented, despite many plans to reform the Ministry of Health and social health insurance. The authors conducted an in-depth review and analysis of published and gray literature on the Ecuadorian health sector from 1990 onward. ⋯ The leftist Correa government has prepared an excellent long-term plan to unite services of the Ministry of Health and social security, but implementation is extremely slow. In conclusion, the health sector in Ecuador suffered a "silent" neoliberal reform. President Correa's progressive government intends to reverse this, increasing public budgets for health, but hesitates to introduce needed radical changes.
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Harmonizing standards on drug regulation makes sense, but it must protect safety, ensure that only drugs that are truly effective are marketed, and protect a country's ability to act independently. The main driving force behind international harmonization is the International Conference on Harmonization (ICH). When it comes to safety, the ICH has been harmonizing to the lowest common denominator. ⋯ When it comes to transparency, Health Canada has chosen to adopt the more restrictive European Union model rather than the more open process used by the United States. Finally, there are a number of areas in which Health Canada has chosen not to harmonize, and in each case the decision is in the direction of lower safety standards. Harmonization could be of benefit to Canada, but the evidence to date suggests that Health Canada been harmonizing down rather than up.