Studies in family planning
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In Latin America, induced abortion is the fourth most commonly used method of fertility regulation. Estimates of the number of induced abortions performed each year in Latin America range from 2.7 to 7.4 million, or from 10 to 27 percent of all abortions performed in the developing world. Because of restrictive laws, nearly all of these abortions, except for those performed in Barbados, Belize, and Cuba, are clandestine and unsafe, and their sequelae are the principal cause of death among women of reproductive age. ⋯ This article addresses how the epidemic of unsafe abortion might be challenged. Recommendations include providing safer outpatient treatment and strengthening family planning programs to improve women's contraceptive use and their access to information and to safe pregnancy termination procedures. In addition, existing laws and policies governing legal abortion can be applied to their fullest extent, indications for legal abortion can be more broadly interpreted, and legal constraints on abortion practices can be officially relaxed.
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Induced abortion is one of the most difficult sociomedical problems facing the Indonesian government. While well-known in traditional society, the practice was discouraged by all Indonesian religious groups, and forbidden by the Dutch colonial authorities. ⋯ Medical and community groups campaigned for a more liberal abortion law to protect legal practitioners and stamp out illegal traditional practices. Their efforts appeared to bear fruit in the draft Health Law, but when the law was passed by the legislature in late 1992, the issue was again clouded by contradictions and inconsistencies.
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Review Comparative Study
International human rights and women's reproductive health.
Neglect of women's reproductive health, perpetuated by law, is part of a larger, systematic discrimination against women. Laws obstruct women's access to reproductive health services. Laws protective of women's reproductive health are rarely or inadequately implemented. ⋯ Epidemiological evidence and feminist legal methods provide insight into the law's neglect of women's reproductive health and expose long-held beliefs in the law's neutrality that harm women fundamentally. Empirical evidence can be used to evaluate how effectively laws are implemented and whether alternative legal approaches exist that would provide greater protection of individual rights. International human rights treaties, including those discussed in this article, are being applied increasingly to expose how laws that obstruct women's access to reproductive health services violate their basic rights.
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In 1986, the Demographic and Health Surveys project administered the first six-year calendar history of events that included women's contraceptive use and their reasons for discontinuation in experimental surveys in Peru and the Dominican Republic. In this report the experimental survey from Peru is examined to demonstrate how the calendar data can be used to calculate multiple increment-decrement life table rates of contraceptive discontinuation--including contraceptive failure, method switching, and abandonment of use--and of resumption of method use following discontinuation. ⋯ Women who switch methods do so frequently, and many will return to a method used previously, or move on to a third method. Women who become pregnant after abandoning contraceptive use have similar contraceptive-use patterns to women who experience a contraceptive failure.
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Comparative Study
Contraceptive use in Matlab, Bangladesh in 1990: levels, trends, and explanations.
The results of a 1990 knowledge, attitudes, and practice survey in Matlab, Bangladesh, indicate that contraceptive prevalence has risen to 57 percent in the maternal and child health/family planning project area. Between 1984 and 1990 significant increases were registered in the proportions of women using contraceptives for the purposes of spacing and limiting births. ⋯ Although significant gains in contraceptive use were also evident in the neighboring comparison area during this period, at 27 percent, prevalence there still remained substantially below the levels in the intervention area. The disparity in contraceptive use between the two areas is adequately explained neither by differences in socioeconomic conditions nor in the demand for family planning, but rather by differences in the intensity, coverage, and overall quality of their family planning programs.