Journal of evaluation in clinical practice
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There are thousands of papers about stigma, for instance about stigma's impact on wellbeing, mental or physical health. But the definition of stigma has received only modest attention. In "Conceptualizing stigma" from 2001, Link and Phelan offer a thorough and detailed definition of stigma. They suggest that there are six necessary conditions for stigma, namely labelled differences, stereotypes, separation, status loss and discrimination, power, and emotional reaction. This definition is widely applied in the literature but is left mainly uncriticized. ⋯ We suggest that groups, not individuals, are the target of stigma, though it is individuals who may be the victims of it. We suggest a revised definition of stigma that is more simple, precise, and consistent with the empirical literature on stigma; there is stigma if and only if there is labelling, negative stereotyping, linguistic separation, and power asymmetry.
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In response to calls to increase patient involvement in health professions education (HPE), educators are inviting patients to play a range of roles in the teaching of clinical trainees. However, there are concerns that patients involved in educational programs are seen as representing a demographic larger than themselves: their disease, their social group or even patients as a whole. ⋯ Just as clinical experts are involved in HPE to share their expertise and represent their clinical experience, so too should patients be invited to participate in HPE explicitly for their expertise in their illness experience. This framing clarifies the goals of patient involvement as technocratic rather than tokenistic, mandates meaningful contributions by patients, and helps frame patient involvement for learners as the presentation of expert perspectives.
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Stigma has been associated with delays in seeking treatment, avoiding clinical encounters, prolonged risk of transmission, poor adherence to treatment, mental distress, mental ill health and an increased risk of the recurrence of health problems, among many other factors that negatively impact on health outcomes. While the burdens and consequences of stigma have long been recognized in the health literature, there remains some ambiguity about how stigma is experienced by individuals who live with it. ⋯ Understanding the experiential features, or phenomenology, of shame anxiety will give healthcare professionals a greater sensitivity to stigma and its impacts in clinical settings and encounters. I will conclude by suggesting that 'shame-sensitive' practice would be beneficial in healthcare.
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Despite medical guidelines delineating respect towards patients, many encounters between patients and clinicians are problematic, in which patients feel disrespected, unheard, shamed or abused. This article uses an anthropological lens to focus on the imbrication of humour and humiliation as forms of shame and obstetric violence within obstetric encounters. Humour as a form of speech play creates a substrate for the occurrence of humiliation and shaming of obstetric patients. ⋯ Humour and humiliation were centrally present within these interactions. Ultimately, both humour and humiliation functioned as shaming mechanisms that increased the presence of obstetric violence in these encounters. The article examines whether an understanding of shame can improve clinical practice and concludes with implications to clinical practice.
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Bias is an ambiguous term, defined in different ways. In conventional usage, it indicates unwarranted prejudice. However, in health research, the notion that bias is invariably bad is biased. ⋯ Thus, health researchers need to bring their biases to consciousness. A dialectical approach can then engage the biases as conversational partners to innovate health policy that is informed by principles including transparency, good faith and tolerance. Less critical than whether researchers are biased is whose interests their bias serves given their positionality and role.